Your email is not valid
Recipient's email is not valid
Submit Close

Your email has been sent.

Click here to send another

The Lesser of Syria’s Evils

Top Israeli military and intelligence analysts are divided over which side to back in Syria’s civil war

Print Email
A Syrian rebel crosses a street while trying to dodge sniper fire in the old city of Aleppo in northern Syria on March 11, 2013. (JM Lopez/AFP/Getty Images)
Related Content

Neighborhood Bully

Why the Israel Defense Forces hit Syria—and why they believe that Assad won’t hit back

The Golan Heights Chimera

How Israel’s annexation* of the contested border region continues to keep the peace

The civil war in Syria has led to a keen debate among the professional echelon tasked with advising policymakers in Israel. This debate has been reflected in a more subdued public conversation and occasionally in spectacular events—like the bombing of Syrian military sites around Damascus. So, what are the dividing lines in this Israeli debate? Does Israel back any side in the war in Syria? And what would be an optimal outcome from the Israeli point of view?

The history of the Israeli-Syrian diplomatic process is long and winding, and it is defined by failure. Direct talks in the 1990s failed to produce an agreement. Subsequent attempts to revive direct negotiations between Damascus and Jerusalem proved elusive. Turkey-sponsored indirect talks broke down after Israel’s Operation Cast Lead action in the Gaza Strip in 2008-2009. Yet discreet channels of communication were nevertheless maintained between Israel and the Syrian regime, often through private individuals close to the Israeli government.

Prior to the outbreak of the civil war in Syria, an influential group of Israelis in the policymaking establishment favored a revival of efforts to make peace with Syria. These included former head of Military Intelligence Uri Saguy, and former Foreign Ministry Director-General Alon Liel. Advocates of this position considered that the Assad regime represented the most brittle and reluctant element in the Iran-led “resistance bloc.” They also thought that because Assad himself was not an Islamist—nor even a Muslim in the generally accepted sense of that term—his commitment to the “resistance bloc” was purely pragmatic in nature. If he could be tempted by territorial inducements to change sides and align with the West, this would represent a major blow to Iran and an achievement for Israel—one that would justify far-reaching territorial concessions on the Golan Heights.

But Assad has refused to comply with this scenario. Instead, he chose to double down on his support for the “resistance bloc” after the 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah.

Now, should he be so inclined, Assad can congratulate himself on his foresight. Since the outset of the rebellion, Iran has offered vital aid to the Syrian dictator. Direct Iranian aid for the Assad regime has come in the form of financial assistance, provision of vital equipment and arms, and also the presence on the ground of Revolutionary Guard advisers who are expert in guerrilla warfare and have helped to organize, train, and direct the militias that provide an essential prop for the beleaguered Syrian dictator and his regime.

Iran has also mobilized its regional clients and proxies, like the pro-Iranian Maliki government in Iraq, and the Hezbollah organization, which dominates Lebanon, to provide further assistance, including boots on the ground. Maliki has permitted his territory to be used to transport Iranian weapons into Syria, despite American pressure for him to stop. Hezbollah, meanwhile, has been engaged in the border area between Syria and Lebanon since the early days of the civil war. Today, the organization has committed around 5,000 fighters on Syrian soil. Hezbollah men are also present in Damascus, where their task officially is to defend the Sayida Zeinab shrine, a place of veneration for Shia Muslims, from the Sunni rebels. In short, Assad’s preference for sticking with his Iranian allies appears to have saved his rule.

It has also clarified the Israeli attitude toward him. The Israeli raids on Syrian targets in May cast light on the extent to which the Assad regime today is seen by Israel as a component part of Iran’s projection of power into the Levant area. While Israeli spokesmen have been keen to stress that Israel has no desire to intervene in the Syrian civil war and wants only to stop weapons shipments to Hezbollah, it is quite likely that the beleaguered position of the Assad regime was also factored into the consideration of Israeli planners in devising the air action over Damascus.

The statements by Syrian and Hezbollah officials following the latest strikes appear to justify the Israeli calculation. These statements combined bellicose rhetoric with concrete threats of a far more modest nature. Yet the Israeli professional echelon remains divided in its overall assessment of the war in Syria. In the public debate, both former Military Intelligence head Amos Yadlin and former Mossad head Meir Dagan have suggested that the preferred outcome of the war for Israel would be the defeat of Assad and the resultant heavy blow to the Iranians that it would deal.

Dagan said recently that Israel should “do whatever it can to make sure that Syrian President Bashar Assad is removed from power” and expressed skepticism regarding concerns of a powerful and hostile new Sunni Islamist regime emerging from the ashes of Assad’s Syria. He suggested that Western-aligned Gulf countries would ensure that a Sunni-dominated Syria did not veer toward radicalism. Yadlin fell short of advocating Israeli action to help Assad’s fall but also said that the prospect of Sunni radicalism in Syria would not represent a major challenge for Israel and that Assad’s departure would be a major blow to Iran and its allies.

1 2View as single page
Print Email

I think this is more the evil of two lessers

Beatrix17 says:

Since Obama reached out to the Mideast with offers of peace and friendship, there seems to be non-stop attempts by our allies to overthrow their leaders while America sits back and watches, usually with silent approval. Assad had to notice the way we turned our back on Mubarak and led from behind in order to overthrow Gaddafi before he decided to throw his lot in with Iran. Of course, Assad still isn’t doing too well, which should give Israelis some hope in their dealings with Iran.

Israel needs to come up with a low cost substitute for oil, a potion that stops old age, or some such Chimera, the secret of which she’ll only entrust to allies. Then she doesn’t have to negotiate—the world will come knocking at her gate.

Papa493 says:

Well, if even the Israelis can’t decide whom to back, why on earth should we get involved?

jacknyc says:

we should arm both sides and build a high fence around the country

since this is how muslims treat muslims, peace between muslims and infidels, as proposed for the Israels and the Pals, is nonsense

the safest place between tunisia and Indonesia from mali to bosnia the entire arc and quadrant of the earth occupied by islam, is inside israel, where shia and sunni and christian and jew do not kill each other

even in gaza and west bank muslims kill muslims

no wonder they hate us

peace is the absence of war and the absence of shooting pax judaica, the peace of conquest, is peace, and most Pals know this, by common sense, the rest the chattering classes are hustlers for other people’s money

herbcaen says:

How about complete victory for both sides in the Syrian conflict

Ishay says:

It’s not a brainer that Israel
should support the rebels. The support should be assertive and pragmatic to be
effective in the long term, the cooperation between Israel and the rebel a
mutual win-win situation for years to come. Israel and the rebels should think
in terms of the enemy of my enemy is my friend. In this case supporting the
rebels to topple Asad’s regime will weaken Iran and the Hezbollah. The rebels
will remember for years to come the atrocities of Asad supported by Hezbollah
and Iran and will be busy getting even. Although Al-Qaeda is supporting the
rebels, they pose far less danger to Israel than Iran and Hezbollah. Israel
should take this opportunity to work with the Hamas and the Palestinians towards
a two state solution. This is a great opening to release the high tensions in
the region and Israel should act wisely with a long term strategic thinking (overcoming
short term political gains) and make the most of this golden opportunity.

2000

Your comment may be no longer than 2,000 characters, approximately 400 words. HTML tags are not permitted, nor are more than two URLs per comment. We reserve the right to delete inappropriate comments.

Thank You!

Thank you for subscribing to the Tablet Magazine Daily Digest.
Please tell us about you.

The Lesser of Syria’s Evils

Top Israeli military and intelligence analysts are divided over which side to back in Syria’s civil war